宗族关系

So that on failing to execute an operative Testament, a Roman of the era under examination left his emancipated children absolutely without provision, while, on the assumption that he died childless, there was imminent risk that his possessions would escape from the family altogether, and devolve on a number of persons with whom he was merely connected by the sacerdotal fiction that assumed all members of the same gens to be descended from a common ancestor.

因此，如果没有一个有效的"遗命"，在我们所考察的这一个时期中的一个罗马人就将使其解放之子绝对得不到什么权利，另一方面，既然假定他在死亡时没有子嗣，则他的宗族就有完全失去其财产而使财产传诸于另外一些人的迫切危险，这些人和他的关系仅仅是由于祭司的拟制，假定凡是同族的全部成员都是来自一个共同祖先。

Without destroying the clannish kin, China passed thorough truculence to civilization, and so the clannish organization could be withheld in such a long time.

中国是在没有彻底破坏氏族血缘关系情况下由野蛮走向文明，从而使宗族组织在中国长期保留下来。

In traditional Jiarong Zang nationality villages, inheritance and marriage rules which are represented by the "house name" make core family as the basic unit, and rule out the possibility of extended family and religious organization. Kinships among them become loose,but the rate of marriage alliance within the village is very high because incest taboo which is represented by the "house name" gives villagers more freedom to choose their marriage. And villagers also want to control the cost of marriage.A Jiarong Zang nationality village is actually a heavily heterozygote of blood-relation, marriage and place, a boundary of human relations.

在传统的嘉绒藏寨中，以"房名"为象征的继嗣和婚姻规则使核心家庭成为嘉绒社会最基本的单元，并且排除了扩大家庭和宗族组织的存在，亲属关系呈现为相对松散的状态，但以"房名"为记号的乱伦禁忌使绒人在婚姻选择上具有更大的自由，加之绒人降低婚姻成本的考虑，导致了高比率的寨内联姻，一个嘉绒藏寨实际上是血缘、姻缘和地缘的高度重合体，是人际关系的空间边界，日常交往体现出寨内的高度趋同性和整体性。

In Hindoo law, for example, which is saturated with the primitive notions of family dependency, kinship is entirely Agnatic, and I am informed that in Hindoo genealogies the names of women are generally omitted altogether.

在含有浓厚宗族依附这个原始观念的印度法中，亲属关系是完全&宗亲&的，据我所知，在印度的家谱中，所有妇女的名字一般是完全略而不载的。

Although faced with more and more lax patriarchal clan relations, patriarchal clans of Huizhou had gone on indomitably by doing their utmost.

徽州宗族尽管遇到或面临宗法关系松弛、从内部开始瓦解等不利因素，但通过主观努力依旧获得了一定的发展，较为顽强地保持住了继续发展的趋势。

Along with the dynamic outspreading of the protecting events, especially under the strategy of a careful cultural manipulation, kinship organization is put forth not only as a social corporation unit, a symbolic image of the community in villagers' mind, but also as a representation of active practices and local discourse of the villagers.

随着护祠事件过程的动态展开，特别是在文化经营的策略下，宗族已不仅仅是基于血缘关系的地方社会的组织单元，同时也作为一种观念和话语被创造和实践。

However in its process, some setbacks come along, such us: the deviation of the relationship between township governments and village commissions, corruptions in self-administration because of some leaders" selfishness as well as evil force and classmen"s strength. All the above leads to the problems.

然而，在当前我国村民自治的实际运行中，乡镇政府与村民委员会之间发生的关系偏离；村党支部与村民委员会之间发生的矛盾纠葛；由于一些地方的黑恶势力侵蚀和宗族势力冲击，使村民自治本身发生蜕变，这些成为阻碍村民自治健康发展的几个主要问题。

In traditional Jiarong Zang nationality villages, inheritance and marriage rules which are represented by the "house name" make core family as the basic unit, and rule out the possibility of extended family and religious organization. Kinships among them become loose,but the rate of marriage alliance within the village is very high because incest taboo which is represented by the "house name" gives villagers more freedom to choose their marriage. And villagers also want to control the cost of marriage.A Jiarong Zang nationality village is actually a heavily heterozygote of blood-relation, marriage and place, a boundary of human relations.

在传统的嘉绒藏寨中，以&房名&为象征的继嗣和婚姻规则使核心家庭成为嘉绒社会最基本的单元，并且排除了扩大家庭和宗族组织的存在，亲属关系呈现为相对松散的状态，但以&房名&为记号的乱伦禁忌使绒人在婚姻选择上具有更大的自由，加之绒人降低婚姻成本的考虑，导致了高比率的寨内联姻，一个嘉绒藏寨实际上是血缘、姻缘和地缘的高度重合体，是人际关系的空间边界，日常交往体现出寨内的高度趋同性和整体性。

By means of Hua, filial duty is assimilated into the ceremony of ancestor worship, enabling the ceremony to bear the function of filial education; by means of cultivation, the individual gains the filial concept and behavior; the blood ties will be sustained and the unity and identification of the family members will be strengthened in the way of converting filial duty into the love, the respectfulness, the support and the worship to parents and the activities of repairing the clan temple and continuing the family tree. Finally, filial duty coming into the different forms of reading, playing and writing scripture finishes the entire society\'s integration and sustains the social stability.4. It is because the Bai People group passes on the filial duty in the principle of Cheng that the filial duty still has an effect on the individual, the family and the society.

通过&化&，孝道融入了祭祀祖先的仪式中，使该仪式具备了孝道教育的功能：通过&化&，个体获得了孝道的观念和行为；将&孝道&化为对父母的爱、敬、养、祭，以及修祠、续谱的活动中，就可以稳固血缘家庭关系，增强宗族成员彼此之间的认同、团结和凝集力；最后，孝道&化&到莲池会的诵经、洞经会的谈经和圣谕堂的写经活动中，完成了对整个社会的整合，维持了社会的稳定。4、孝道之所以仍旧在白族的个体、家庭、社会中发挥作用，是因为他们在传承孝道时，本着&诚&的原则。

There are three parts in the main body of the thesis: first the author discussed the origin of charitable spirit, the change in the spirit and acts of modern charities and its new features; meanwhile, the author also gave an introduction of the purpose and scope of charities; second, the author made a further discussion on basic causes of the development of almshouses and charitable associations in Chongqing during that period, their organizational system; and then discussed the breeding fields with modern features and some characters of clan, and some problems and disputes happened among them, and then discussed the relationship among government, civilian, and gentry. Finally, the author gave a summary of the difference and indifference of the charities in Chongqing and Shanghai by comparing of them.

正文首先，论述了中国慈善思想的源流，近代慈善事业在思想与办善举措上的转变状况，以及慈善事业出现的新特征，同时，介绍了慈善事业的落脚点与范围；其次，论述了清末民初重庆综合善堂、善会发展的根本原因，以及善堂、善会的基本建制：接着论述了重庆具有近代特色与宗族特点的教养工场，以及民间善堂、善会中出现的问题与纠纷，并由此分析了官一民一绅在慈善事业中的关系；最后，通过对重庆与上海两地慈善事业的比较，总结了慈善事业在两地的异同。

Cynanchum Lingtai apricot production in the average weight 65 grams, the brightly-colored fruit, juicy rich, sweet-sour taste, sweet from the nucleolus, when the late Qing Dynasty famous Shaanxi, Gansu provinces, the Qing imperial court Tongzhi tribute for years.

灵台生产的牛心杏平均单果重65克，果实色泽鲜艳，汁多味浓，甜酸适口，离核仁甜，清末时就驰名陕、甘两省，清同治年间曾为朝廷贡品。

Chenopodium album,Solanum nigrum, and Amaranthus retroflexus were very susceptible to the herbicides. Polygonum persicaria and Abutilon theophrasti were relatively less susceptible to the herbicides, and Lycopersicon esculentum was not susceptible to it. The relationship between reduction rates of weed biomass and PPM values of weed leaves 2,4, and 6 days after treatment was established.

供试的6种杂草对该混剂的敏感性存在显著差异：红心藜Chenopodium album、龙葵Solanum nigrum和反枝苋Amaranthus retroflexus对该混剂最敏感，ED90值分别为47.65、71.67和29.17g/hm2；春蓼Polygonum persicaria和苘麻Abutilon theophrasti敏感，ED90值分别为96.91、114.20g/hm2；而番茄不敏感。