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Iran相关的网络例句
与 Iran 相关的网络例句 [注:此内容来源于网络,仅供参考]

After the Islamic Revolution in Iran, Khomeini's theory was embodied in the Iranian Constitution and established as the foundation of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

伊斯兰政府问题的核心是以伊斯兰法作为国家的基础,教法学家统治问题的核心是由教法学家担任国家的统治者。

US lieutenant general Toms Mats said Iran has cutted the supply materials for road side bombs that can penetrate armored vehicles. He says the number of incidents involving such bombs has dropped from 80 to 20 per month. He says the reduction appeared to be the result of decision by the Iran's leads Kurd's force which the US is accusing of supplying the bombs.

美国中将Toms Mats 称伊朗已经切断了可穿透装甲车的公路炸弹原料供应,他说与这类炸弹有关的事件已经从每月80起降低到20起,他说这个减少似乎由于伊朗领导Kurd 力量的决定,美国认为他们提供了炸弹,但伊朗否认向伊拉克运输武器。

If Iran accepts, we hope this will be the occasion to seriously engage Iran on how to break the logjam of recent years and work in a cooperative manner to resolve the outstanding international concerns about it nuclear program, he said.

如果伊朗接受邀请,我们希望这会是一次与伊朗认真接触的机会,共同探讨如何打破近几年的僵局,如何以合作的方式来解决国际社会对伊朗核项目的担忧。

Iran's motive for supplying the weapons would be to foster client networks among the loose-limbed Mahdi Army, to tie the Americans down and to be able to stir up more violence, should America attack Iran.

三个to应该是并列成分,即:通过向伊拉克输送武器可能培植代理人,拖住美国人,还能引起更大的混乱(因为有了新武器,美军就得发狠招才能制住反抗者,所以就会激起更激烈的反抗,这样以来美国就无暇/无力进攻伊朗了),should一句应该是个假设,即:美国若进攻伊朗的话,伊朗通过输送武器拖延之

Muharram in Iran, Iran, 1999

伊朗的圣月,伊朗 1999年

If Iran is serious about taking practical steps to address the international community's deep concerns about its nuclear program, we will continue to engage both multilaterally and bilaterally to discuss the full range of issues that have divided Iran and the United States for too long.

如果伊 朗确实打算基于国际社会对其核项目的深切关注采取切实措施,我们将继续与伊朗进行多边和双边接触,商讨长期以来造成伊朗和美国之间分歧的全部议题。

In a report published Tuesday, Fars quotes the deputy head of Iran's Atomic Energy Organization as saying "no country would even think about attacking Iran" after it joins the nuclear club.

在星期二刊登的报导中,法斯通讯社援引伊朗原子能组织副主席的话说,在伊朗加入核阵营后,"没有国家敢对伊朗发动袭击"。

This provocative thesis may overstate Israel's heft in Washington and understate its fear of Iran's nuclear ambitions. But it is hard to grumble with Mr Parsi's conclusion that detente between America and Iran, of the sort that might have come about in 2003, would in fact make both Israel and the Middle East as a whole very much safer.

这一观点具有很大的争议性,它可能夸大了以色列对于华盛顿的重要性,也低估了以色列对伊朗核问题的忧惧程度,但既然Parsi在书的结尾处指出,美国与伊朗之间的关系如果出现2003年那次可能出现的缓和,事实上对以色列乃至整个中东地区的安全都十分有利,那我们又何苦对他的这一论点斤斤计较呢?!

In his book Treacherous Alliance: The Secret Dealings of Israel, Iran and the U.S., Parsi details a 2003 peace plan in which Iran essentially agreed to abandon terrorism and support Arab-Israeli peace negotiations in exchange for U.S.

在他的《背叛的联盟---以色列、伊朗和美国的秘密交易》一书中这样写到:Parsi透露,在2003年的一个和平议案中伊朗本同意放弃恐怖主义行动并支持阿以和平谈判以获得美国对其安全利益价值的的认同,这一计划因为布什政府声称不与邪恶对话的基础上去猜测伊朗建议的用意而夭折。

In its 'Global Security: Iran' report, the select committee also warned that the use of force on Iran's nuclear facilities would be "unlikely to succeed".

在其'全球安全:伊朗报告中,专责委员会还警告说,使用武力,对伊朗的核设施将是"不可能成功"。

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