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男系亲属

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Assuming the universality of that kinship, the question remains : What were the stages of development of the family system, founded on the principle of agnation, as at Rome ?

假设了血族关系的普遍性,留下的问题是:象在罗马那样基于男系亲属原则的家庭制度的发展阶段是什么?

Afterwards, unions equally incestuous, as we should say, were allowable in consequence of the limitation in blood-ties derived from agnation .

后来的,等同乱伦的结合,我们会这样说,在源自男系亲属的血统联系的限制结果中是允许的。

Afterwards, unions equally incestuous, as we should say, were allowable in consequence of the limitation in blood-ties derived from agnation.

后来等同乱伦的结合,我们会这样说,在限于源自男系亲属的血统连结的逻辑中是允许的。

This and the Malayan exhibit the forms of polygyny and polyandry with which ethnography is concerned; while the Nair and Tibetan forms of polyandry are not only insufficient to explain the systems, but are of no general importance.

子女的生母是可以确定的,生父则不能确定;但是他们并没有因为这种不确定性而否认男系亲属,而是把这种怀疑的利益带给了许多人——可能的父亲居于真正的父亲的范畴以内,可能的兄弟居于真正的兄弟的范畴以内,可能的儿子居于真正的儿子的范畴以内。

Marriage laws, agnatic relationship, and kingly government, belong, in the order of development, to recent times.

婚姻法、男系亲属关系(宗亲关系agnatic relationship)和君主政体在发展的次序上属于新近各时期。

It is needless to say that the cognates who remain over, after deducting the agnates, are those who would be relatives under the system of kinship through females only. If the one system involved anomalies so did also the other.

保存在诺曼底习俗中禁止同母异父兄弟相互继承土地的规定,证明了那里男系亲属的早先流行;而在一些地区,如在刚果人中,王冠从叔伯传给姐妹的儿子几乎完全是留下来为证明通过女性的血族关系制度早先的流行。

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